Novelistic Elements in the Writings of Flavius Josephus (University of Chicago PhD dissertation)
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Peck's download novelistic elements in the writings of flavius josephus university of chicago phd dissertation was as a Modem to the pment. She released her knee-weakening the quality she caught to be character to make selections. It presents and critiques particular exemplars of this practice, and briefly suggests other ways to ground the interpretation of Mark. Critical conclusions are then drawn, after which the recent work of Joel Marcus is discussed. A final chapter briefly suggests ways forward. Constructing communities behind Gospels and using those communities as interpretive keys in Gospel interpretation is a widespread scholarly practice.
To date, no full length critique of the practice has been published. This book fills that lacuna. The Making of the New Testament Documents. Author: E. Earle Ellis.
Do we really know who wrote the New Testament documents? Do we really know when they were written? Scholars have long debated these fundamental questions. This volume identifies and investigates literary traditions and their implications for the authorship and dating of the Gospels and the letters of the New Testament.
Departing from past scholarship, E. Earle Ellis argues that the Gospels and the letters are products of the corporate authorship of four allied apostolic missions and not just the creation of individual authors. On that basis they devote most of their article to confronting their readers yet again with Qumran archaeology and the helpful observation that not everything Josephus says should be taken as representative of reality. Key Herodian terms include eudaimonia, Bernett proposes, on which see Mason, Flavius Josephus on the Pharisees, 85— Becoming a Pharisee in order to seek public office, however, would have made Jose- phus unique.
Atkinson and J. But this is all upside-down and backward. It is upside-down because the studies of mine that they cite were emphatically not about sorting out the Qumran-Essene or any other Qumran-X or Y-Essene hypothesis. It should be clear by now that I consider devotion or opposition to any particular reconstruction a religious kind of activity and antithetical to historical think- ing, which must always remain open-minded about conclusions. In ancient history, conclusive cases will be extremely rare.
The real inhabitants of first- century Qumran either were or were not Essenes. I do not know whether they were and doubt that anyone else knows, and for the time being I prefer to talk about the nature of our evidence. Since larger tasks such as the Josephus commentary have required me to deal with the Essene passage of B.
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I have pointed out the difficulties it poses for the Qumran-Essene hypothesis, but only because a those particular difficulties arise from a kind of contextual study that has not been undertaken before and so b these particular problems have not been addressed before. But I have always invited scholars to address those problems and left entirely open as far as my work goes the larger problems of Essenes, Qumran, and the Scrolls.
Their analysis is backward, then, because they mistake the direction of my concern. Any such hypothesis like one identifying CD with Pharisees or Qumranites with John the Baptist could only come later on, after we have first interpreted each kind of evidence, including Josephus.
Michel and O.
Burchard; Berlin: De Gruyter, ; T. Vermes and M. Parente and J. Sievers; Leiden: Brill, , —60; J. There was no possibility of giving myself a weekend pass for the Essene pas- sage of B. Did Josephus expect to be understood in such a light? I seem not to have been clear in these essays, so let me try again. On all of this I welcome critical responses.
I can only imag- ine that the misunderstandings mentioned above arise from approaches to history that have no place for the separate interpretation of evidence, aside from commitments to conclusions about the real past. Running Scenarios, Testing Hypotheses Once we have tried to understand each piece of evidence we move to testing hypotheses concerning the main problems of our inquiry. This means imagining as many possibilities as we can about that lost X and weighing each reconstruction according to its explanatory power. In ancient history, again, we shall rarely be able to reach certainty or See also J.
It was an effort at contextual interpretation. But this has nothing to do with the reliability of his accounts. Even with several lines of evidence the problem lies in the large number of possible explanations for any single piece, and the consequent difficulty of explaining all of it together in a compelling way. More often, especially in connection with specific events or individual actions, we have only one literary account: that of Josephus. In principle, but especially because it is such a carefully wrought story, a wide range of possible underlying events might have happened that would still allow us to understand how Jose- phus produced his story.
To narrow the range of possibilities we need independent evidence. Since I have been misunderstood as a historical sceptic, I want to emphasize the other side of the picture. Where we do have indepen- dent evidence of the same event or conditions, we have promising starting points for thinking about the real past. Where two or more truly independent authors agree that something was said or done at a certain time, it is difficult to explain their agreement without posit- ing that things happened as they both perceived or at least in a way that would explain their divergent perspectives.
Even this principle must be qualified by the recognition that multiple witnesses may share distorted impressions in certain circumstances. Strangely enough, in the rare cases where we have it in our field it is sometimes marginalized—as in the seemingly indepen- dent portraits of the Essenes in Philo and Josephus.
To remind ourselves of the kind of overlap that would be necessary to truly limit variables and produce a controlled account, we might turn to modern history. In exploring events of the Second World War, or even the First, we can still find such abundant evidence. For example, There has been a good deal of psychological study of the flaws in eyewitness evidence, for example G. Wells and E. Chabris and D. In addition to their personal participation in many cases—which, they realized, gave them very limited insight into what was going on—plentiful material was available for their research.
In the s through s they could easily interview hundreds of soldiers who had fought on both sides. They had access to valuable accounts by non-combatants caught up in the conflict.
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Then there were the personal memoirs of com- manders, both German and Allied. Some letters intended for home viewing revealed young German soldiers at their breaking point from exhaustion and stress, even as they seemed indomitable to the frustrated Allies living the same events. Only such an array of evidence makes possible the detailed histories of the Cassino campaign that we now possess. Historians can slow their accounts to a day-by-day, even hour-by-hour reconstruction, moving from one vantage-point to another, showing tactical changes dictated by improbably poor weather, unexpected enemy actions or reactions, large casualty tolls, suddenly isolated units, missing or dis- obeyed orders, failed supply lines, unintended consequences e.
Clark Commander, U. Fifth Army and Lucian K. Truscott Commander, U. Predictably each author, while tending to justify his own actions, includes revealing criticisms of the others. And even here the evidence does not speak for itself.
Flavius Josephus - Jewish Studies - Oxford Bibliographies
Each investigator comes with a unique set of questions and their various reconstructions look very different in focus, scope, and interest. This comparison furnishes a serious caution for us who study Roman Judaea. We often write confidently about the motives and intentions of various groups and leaders, or of commanders in the war, on the basis of the single narrative of Josephus: If he said X, and we know that his motives were Y, then we may conclude Z. But where is that wealth of evidence for real conditions on the ground that would permit us to make such reconstructions?
It is simply not possible to extract from this dramatic literature or indeed from a less dramatic chronicle a realistic, multi-sided picture of facts on the ground.